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Polarized Congress relying mostly on short-term fixes

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Lawmakers see little value in giving in to reach any kind of lasting agreement, a departure from even the recent past. President Ronald Reagan, the hero of modern conservatives, said in his 1990 book, “An American Life,” “If you got seventy-five or eighty percent of what you were asking for, I say, you take it and fight for the rest later.”

Today, though, “compromise has become a dirty word,” said Ilisa Halpern Paul, managing government-relations director at the Drinker Biddle & Reath law and lobbying firm in Washington.

Until the last 20 years or so, parties tended to be less homogenous. Democrats could count on support for social and civil rights initiatives from New England Republicans. Republicans leaned on Southern conservative Democrats for help with social policy and fiscal belt-tightening measures.

Twenty years ago, the seven states from New York through New England sent a bipartisan blend to the House: 37 Democrats, 19 Republicans and one independent. Today, their ranks diminished because of smaller populations, the same region sends 41 Democrats and 10 Republicans. The House Democratic Blue Dog Coalition, a bloc of Democratic conservatives and moderates, has 25 members, fewer than half the 54 just two years ago.

In addition, in the past Congress routinely could look forward to widespread agreement on legislation that would benefit everyone’s district or state.

“The farm bill, post offices, highways, those were always the exceptions (to strict partisanship) because they touched everyone. But even those now involve ideological divisions,” Senate Historian Don Ritchie said.

The short-fix trend, the politicians say, reflects a polarized electorate. “Everyone has just dug in their heels,” said Rep. William Lacy Clay, D-Mo. And people rarely hear the opposing view. “They see things on Fox or MSNBC and that’s it,” said Rep. Mike Simpson, R-Idaho.

The parties help fuel this trend by pushing sharply partisan agendas, hoping to elect more like-minded lawmakers with largely ideological manifestos and to pad their majorities. On Wednesday, for instance, the House plans to vote on repealing the 2010 federal health care law, even though a similar effort won in the House earlier this year on a largely party-line vote and then died in the Democratic-run Senate.

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